A year after taking office, Luis Montenegro’s second government has a clear agenda, and almost all of it splits the room. The Democratic Alliance was again the most-voted force in 2025, but it governs without an absolute majority, which means negotiating nearly everything.

The loudest issue is immigration. The new, more restrictive rules passed with the support of Chega, the party of Andre Ventura. It’s a clear turn away from the more open policy of recent years, and shows how the centre-right and the right have moved closer on this front.

Open fronts

Labour reform is another battle. Proposals to make the job market more flexible sent unions into the streets and promise more friction. Meanwhile, the National Health Service keeps drawing criticism over strained emergency rooms, and housing remains the wound nobody can heal quickly.

None of this is unique to Portugal. Across Europe, centre-right governments are answering the same questions about borders, cost of living and the welfare state. The difference is in the details and the alliances each one strikes to pass laws.

For readers, the takeaway is simple: this is a government that will lean on case-by-case deals. Every big law will be a negotiation, and the final shape rarely matches the original programme.

See also: Montenegro’s sovereign fund eyes REN and EDP.

When we dial 112, we rarely think about who’s on the other end of the line. This week it’s worth thinking about. Portugal’s emergency telecom operators at the Civil Protection authority began a week-long strike on Monday — and the reason is easy to grasp: they want a recognised, dedicated career path that reflects what they actually do.

Before anyone panics: emergency response is guaranteed. The workers themselves are at pains to say so, and minimum services are in place to make sure an emergency call still gets answered. The strike is a way of pressuring the government, not a cut to the service.

What’s at stake

The core demand is status. These professionals take the calls, triage the urgency and dispatch resources — firefighters, ambulances, police — often in seconds and in life-or-death situations. What they’re asking is that this responsibility be matched by a defined career, with progression and conditions to match, rather than being stuck in a contractual limbo.

It’s one of those jobs that goes unnoticed until it fails. Which is exactly why it deserves a closer look: the backbone of emergency response is people, not just phones. You can read about the role and structure of the National Emergency and Civil Protection Authority on its official portal.

See also: the rejected labour law and what the government does next.

The government’s proposal to rework the Labour Code got a no from parliament, and it was a no with plenty of company: voting against were Chega, the PS, Livre, the PCP, the BE, PAN and JPP. In favour stood only the PSD, the CDS and the Liberal Initiative. In politics, when the left and André Ventura’s party vote on the same side, it’s a sign the topic has legs.

Why it fell

The government insists it negotiated seriously, above all with Chega, and that on most points there was even agreement. The knot tightened on one issue: Chega demanded changes to the sustainability of Social Security and an opening to alter the retirement age. The government refused, and without those votes the proposal was left without a net.

What comes next

Luís Montenegro has already said he won’t give up and that parliament “will have its moment” on this. In the meantime he’s promising new measures for families, perhaps a way to show movement while the labour reform sits on the back burner. The problem is arithmetic: the make-up of the chamber hasn’t changed, and any new version needs to find a majority that, for now, doesn’t exist.

For workers, the translation is that day-to-day rules — hours, dismissals, contracts — stay as they are for now. Nothing changes tomorrow. But the tug-of-war will go on, and it promises to be one of the threads running through this second term.

See also: PS blocks the labour reform and the government’s agenda on immigration and work. You can follow the debates on the Parliament website.

Some ceasefires exist more on paper than on the ground, and the understanding between the United States and Iran looks like one of them. After a night of crossfire in the Gulf, the big political question is simple: is there still a deal to save?

There is a memorandum, with fourteen points, that was meant to end the hostilities. But Washington accuses Tehran of repeatedly violating it, and Iran’s Revolutionary Guard returns the charge, saying it was the Americans who broke the terms. When both sides say the other started it, the understanding hangs by a thread.

The neighbours in the middle

The escalation rattles the Gulf states, who did not ask to be part of this. The United Arab Emirates firmly condemned the Iranian strikes on Bahrain and Kuwait, seeing them as a threat to the security of the whole region. Egypt and Qatar, for their part, prefer dialogue and again urged that talks between Washington and Tehran not die.

For Europe, and for Portugal, the issue is followed closely for one very concrete reason: stability in the Gulf moves energy and prices. A drawn-out crisis there is felt at the fuel pumps here.

For now, diplomacy is racing the clock, with the region hoping reason speaks louder than missiles.

See also: Iran strikes US bases in the Gulf. Follow it via UN News.

The Socialist Party did some chest-thumping on Sunday. Meeting in Lisbon, the PS National Commission heard its leader, José Luís Carneiro, claim as a party victory the fact that it had managed to halt two government proposals: what he calls the labour counter-reform and the new single social benefit.

Carneiro did not mince words. He said that since the AD won the elections there had been two lost years, and aimed straight at the prime minister: Mr Prime Minister Luís Montenegro, take your head out of the sand, your government is not working.

Common sense or obstruction?

As with almost everything in politics, the reading depends on where you sit. For the PS, this was a brake on measures it considers unfair to workers and to those who rely on social support. For the government and its supporters, it is another example of an opposition making it hard to pass reforms they say the country needs.

What interests us is what it means in practice: for now, the changes to labour rules and the merger of various supports into a single benefit are on hold. For people who work or depend on these supports, this is the kind of tug-of-war that can move the household budget.

The debate is far from over, and the next chapter plays out in Parliament. We will follow it without taking sides, as always.

See also: The Montenegro government’s immigration and work agenda. Follow official activity at portugal.gov.pt.

The State wants weight again where strategy is decided. Luís Montenegro announced the creation of a sovereign fund, to be managed by the IGCP, the agency that already handles public debt, with a mandate to take stakes in companies across energy, banking, telecoms and airports.

The political read is straightforward. The fund acts as a vehicle to manage the State’s minority holdings and, potentially, to strengthen the public presence in firms where foreign shareholders now loom large.

The names on the table

REN is the priority. Its biggest shareholder is China’s State Grid, and the Government hasn’t hidden its unease over how the power outage was handled. EDP is in the conversation too, with China Three Gorges holding more than 21% of the capital.

Montenegro has repeatedly said Portugal can’t sit and wait for EU funds to develop, and should soon give more to the bloc than it receives. A sovereign fund fits that autonomy story. What’s missing is the how: which money, on what timeline, and under what governance rules, so old mistakes in public management aren’t repeated.

See also: the XXV Government’s agenda. Debt and treasury detail lives at the IGCP, and Government decisions at portugal.gov.pt.

The war grants no truce, and night was the stage again. Ukraine launched a large-scale overnight attack on around a dozen Russian regions, occupied Crimea and the surrounding waters. Russia answered in kind, striking several areas of Ukrainian territory.

It’s the pattern that’s repeated for months: crossing offensives, infrastructure in the crosshairs and civilians living to the rhythm of the sirens. Each side tests the other from a distance, with no serious window for talks in sight for now.

What’s at stake

For Europe, and for Portugal, the impact is felt mainly on two fronts: energy and defence. As the conflict drags on, prices stay exposed to shocks and the pressure to boost military spending remains on the table in Brussels and national capitals.

We’ll keep following it with the usual rule: verified facts, no scaremongering.

See also: the previous update on the war. Allied response tracking is at NATO.

Amid so much other news, there’s a Portuguese diplomatic win worth underlining: Portugal has been elected a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for the 2027-2028 term. And it wasn’t a squeaker — it was the most-voted country in its race.

A quick recap for anyone who missed it. The Security Council is the most powerful body in the UN, the one that decides on peace, sanctions and peacekeeping operations around the world. It has five permanent members with veto power (the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom and France) and ten rotating seats, elected for two-year terms. It’s one of those ten seats that Portugal has won.

The vote took place on June 3 in New York, at the 80th General Assembly. Portugal was contesting two Western European slots with Germany and Austria, and came out on top: it gathered 134 votes, against Vienna’s 131 and Berlin’s mere 104. Being the most-voted of a trio that included Germany is no small thing, and says something about how the country is seen on the international stage.

It’s not a first. Portugal had already held one of these seats in 1979-1980, 1997-1998 and 2011-2012, making this the fourth time. The bid rested on the motto “Prevention, Partnership, Protection”, a way of signalling the kind of role the country says it wants to play: bridge-builder and champion of dialogue, rather than a power player.

In practice, the term only begins on January 1, 2027 and runs for two years. What changes? During that period, Portugal will have a voice and a vote in the big decisions on international security, at a time when the world is hardly at peace. It’s an added responsibility, but also a showcase: a chance for a small country to be heard where big things are decided. And in a moment this globally tense, that’s a seat worth occupying with steady hands.

In a summer that has already brought tightening heat and fires threatening the interior, climate adaptation could hardly be more topical. And that’s exactly what the Council of Ministers set out to tackle: it approved the new National Strategy for Adaptation to Climate Change 2030, opening the third cycle of national policy on the subject.

The idea, in short, is to prepare the country for what’s coming — heatwaves, droughts, fires and floods — with a more preventive approach grounded in recent science. The strategy ties together water policy, forest management and land-use planning, and its delivery is linked to the national recovery and resilience programme. The document now heads to parliament, while the previous 2020 strategy has been extended to the end of 2026 to ensure continuity.

What the critics say

Not everyone applauded. Environmental groups such as ZERO were quick to point out that a strategy is only worth as much as its execution — and they flag the absence of concrete financing and a defined timetable. In other words: fine intentions on paper, but the hard part is making it happen.

The government counters with the risk maps, which place Portugal among the European countries most exposed to the effects of climate change. Hard to argue with anyone who lived through the last few summers.

You can read the official framing of the strategy at the Portuguese Environment Agency.

See also: Heat builds, fire risk maxes out.

Middle East diplomacy took one of those steps this week that look big in the announcement and fragile in practice: Washington unveiled a framework deal between Israel and Lebanon. In plain terms, an outline of understanding — the broad lines both sides say they’re willing to negotiate over seriously.

It’s worth being clear about what a “framework deal” is. It’s not a peace treaty and not a definitive ceasefire. It’s closer to agreeing the shape of the table before everyone sits down to argue about what’s on it. The Middle East has seen plenty of outlines that never became agreements.

Why it matters here

It may feel far away, but stability in that region touches all of Europe — and Portuguese wallets. Tensions there send energy prices spiking, and we’ve already seen this year how that shows up in electricity and fuel bills. A diplomatic path, however uncertain, is better news than another escalation.

That said, voices are warning it won’t be easy: several analysts note there are players in the region with every interest in sabotaging the deal. The next test is whether the words of the announcement turn into concrete commitments — dates, guarantees, monitoring.

For now, the factual record: there’s a framework, there’s stated willingness, and there’s a long road ahead. We’ll follow it without alarmism or easy optimism.

Some conflicts slip off the front pages without ever ending, and the war in Ukraine is now one of them. While the world follows deals in the Middle East, eastern Europe keeps living through nights of strikes traded both ways, with no ceasefire in sight.

In the most recent night, Ukraine launched an offensive against multiple points across Russian territory and Crimea, and Russia answered with attacks on different Ukrainian regions. It’s the pattern that has repeated for far too long: each side trying to wear the other down, with no turning point on the horizon.

Why it still concerns us

It may feel distant, but this war keeps touching everyday life. It helped push energy and grain prices over the past few years, and any escalation is felt again in European markets — which Portugal is part of. There’s also the human scale, with millions displaced and entire communities living to the sound of sirens.

Diplomacy hasn’t given up. The United Nations and several countries keep channels open, but for now the talks haven’t halted the strikes. Meanwhile, the human toll keeps adding up.

The official situation reports from UN agencies can be followed at news.un.org.

See also: Israel and Lebanon announce a framework deal.

There are moments when politics takes a step back so urgency can move to the front. That’s roughly what happened this week: after the earthquakes that devastated western Venezuela, the United States eased part of the sanctions weighing on the country to allow in humanitarian aid that would otherwise be blocked.

Washington also said it would send rescue teams and military assets — ships and planes — to support operations on the ground. In a disaster with nearly 600 dead and tens of thousands missing, every pair of hands and every hour counts.

Why this is delicate

The relationship between the two countries is far from simple, and the recent context makes the gesture especially loaded. Easing sanctions, even for humanitarian reasons, always raises questions: how far does the exception reach, who controls the distribution of aid, and what happens once the emergency passes.

Those who back the decision say the obvious — faced with a tragedy of this scale, letting aid through is the bare minimum, and keeping relief separate from politics is exactly what’s expected of a major power. Those who are wary recall that aid and influence often travel together, and will want to see whether the opening stays strictly humanitarian or grows other edges.

For now, what’s on the table is concrete and limited: letting in supplies, teams and equipment. The bigger debate — about what this means for the relationship between the two countries — can wait until the rubble settles.

The situation in Venezuela keeps making news — and not only because of the humanitarian crisis. There’s a deeper argument here, quieter but perhaps more important in the long run: how far can one state go to act inside another’s borders?

The backdrop is familiar. In January, US forces captured Nicolás Maduro in a raid on Caracas; since then, former vice president Delcy Rodríguez has governed as acting president, and Maduro faces trial in the United States.

Two arguments, no middle ground

At the UN Security Council, the positions don’t meet. On one side, some see the action as a form of accountability — a leader accused of serious crimes brought to court. On the other, voices like Moscow and Beijing warn of the risk of normalising the unilateral use of force and eroding head-of-state immunity, a long-standing principle of international law.

We won’t take sides — and there are serious people on both. But it’s worth grasping why this matters beyond the headlines: the rules set (or broken) in a case like this end up shaping what’s acceptable in the next one. And the next one could involve anyone.

There was an earthquake in New York’s primaries. Three progressive candidates backed by Mayor Zohran Mamdani won their races — and some of those wins came against heavyweights from their own party.

Former city comptroller Brad Lander beat Congressman Dan Goldman. And Darializa Avila Chevalier, a 32-year-old Afro-Latina organiser, unseated Adriano Espaillat, a five-term congressman and chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. It’s not every day that fresh faces knock off names this established.

What it signals

Without taking sides, the message is clear: inside the Democratic Party, the wing further to the left has gained momentum and shown electoral muscle in one of the country’s biggest cities. Primaries aren’t general elections, and New York isn’t the whole United States — but trends often start exactly like this, in one place, then spread. Eyes on.

Something rare happened in Washington: the Senate passed a war powers resolution directing President Trump to end the conflict with Iran. The historic detail is this — for the first time since the War Powers Resolution of 1973, both chambers of Congress have approved a concurrent resolution telling a president to end a military action.

In parallel, on the diplomatic track, the head of the UN’s atomic agency said Iran’s nuclear enrichment sites would be inspected under an interim deal. So there’s domestic political pressure and there are channels opening abroad, all at once.

Why it matters

Without weighing in on who’s right, what you’re seeing is Congress reasserting a power it often leaves dormant: the say over war. Resolutions like this tend to run into a presidential veto, so the practical effect may be limited — but the institutional signal is large. Worth watching the next step.